Ted Kennedy is feeling pretty
swindled these days...
The Rise and Fall of the
Kennedy and Bush Relationship
[January 12, 2005
evote.com] If a
photographer could jump into what physicists call a worm hole, go back
into time to the year 2000 and implant himself past the craggy face,
broken blood capillaries and inside the occasionally alcohol-free brain
of Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-MA), the picture could reveal that Ted was
secretly sort of pleased, or at least satisfied, that Republican Texas
Governor George W. Bush had narrowly won the campaign for the White
Of course Kennedy
vehemently supported Democratic presidential-nominee Vice President Al
Gore, endorsing him early in January, 1999 and campaigning alongside him
prior to the important Iowa caucus and New Hampshire primary.
But with Gore an also-ran
for residence at Hampton Court, Kennedy probably saw in Bush an
acceptable alternative, someone he could still work with, a president he
still could create significant tax-and-spend legislation with.
For although Kennedy is a
fierce partisan lion whose state gave Bush his largest loss in the 2000
election, the Senator is also someone who is both sociable and conducts
influential business with elected officials from across the full
political spectrum. This includes those diametrically opposed to his
non-military, government-knows-best, help-those-with-excuses philosophy,
such as Sen. Orin Hatch (R-UT).
As the ranking member of
the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Senate Committee, for decades
Kennedy’s efforts to increase dollars to the K-12 schools were limited
by GOP ideology that called for the flat-out abolishment of the
Department of Education, arguing that teaching children should remain a
local issue, devoid of federal dollars and its intrusive paws into what
they perceive as the rightful realm of the town school board.
Self-proclaimed “Education President”
But then in 2000 came riding in to Washingtonland the man from Texas,
fresh from the “Texas miracle” of educational achievement. The
“compassionate conservative” candidate and president-elect announced
from Mount Olympus he would relax the tighter-money aspect of GOP
policy, encouraging a larger federal pipeline of federal dollars for
programs heretofore mostly supported by Democratic Party members.
Bush quickly broke from
longstanding GOP policy to declare he wanted the federal government to
become more involved in education with both dollars and direction; not
to avoid the schools, but rather become an educating Republican
president, to become more responsible for their progress. It likely gave
Kennedy a heartwarming belief that additional federal taxpayer
assistance to America’s potential Neil or Louis Armstrongs was nigh to
Kennedy probably believed
Bush was a different animal from other GOP presidents, one that would
open the spigot of the federal tax-dollar pipeline into other government
programs too, such as health care; to provide particular assistance to
Americans of middle and lower income brackets. Indeed, many other
Democrats probably had the same impression of Bush number two, too. And
believing this was easy, for previously as Texas Governor, Bush
demonstrated he could reach across the isle to accommodate opposing
Kennedy has said he
responded to Bush’s views on education because he believed they
represented a “very dramatic contrast to traditional Republican
positions." But there were also family ties at work. "I had known his
father, and I worked with him, particularly on the Americans with
Disabilities Act," Kennedy said. He also recalled how the president's
grandfather, Sen. Prescott Bush, (R-CT), agreed to speak to the legal
society Kennedy headed as a student at the University of Virginia Law
Bush has proved adept at being
great friends for the camera.
Fast Friends for
With the perception of a new more fiscally liberal GOP president,
Kennedy quickly portrayed himself as having a new friend for public
consumption, regardless of what these two men thought of each other
privately. Kennedy and Bush led the public into thinking they were good
pals; that each considered the other as loyal and trustworthy, like
Sunny and Splash, the two Portuguese water dogs the Senator lives with
and often takes to the office; and the Scottish terrier named Barney who
is the president’s friend.
There are similarities
between these two sons of wealthy political dynasties, each schooled
among America’s intellectual aristocracy, ingredients that could easily
cement a real bond of friendship, not one just limited for public
Both lived in New England
and Massachusetts for much of their younger days and each had a history
of drinking too much or too much celebrating; both as younger men were
overshadowed by seemingly more accomplished siblings, but overcame that
to become very significant government leaders, surpassing in stature
most or all of their clan. And despite their privileged upbringing, both
insist on a more welcoming earthly quality of sociability. One gets the
impression either man would welcome a wrestling match.
The President-elect it
seems did much to spur this increasing public perception of friendship
with Kennedy by a concerted White House advertised wooing campaign that
began even before Bush grabbed the horse’s reigns, with a New Year’s Eve
call to the Senator. The president-to-be found Kennedy on the Virgin
Island of St. Croix, enjoying a holiday vacation.
Rewriting the Past
Kennedy spokesman Jim Manley told EVOTE.COM, after six weeks of
continually ignored requests for comment, the Virgin Island phone call
was all business, not social. “They do not socialize now. There has not
been a great change in their relationship,” during the President’s term.
One person in proximity to Kennedy, who requested anonymity, told
EVOTE.COM the two have never socialized together, regardless of the
public perception of friendship between the two men starting with Bush’s
Then on Bush’s just
second full-working day as President, Kennedy attended an Oval Office
meeting with a bipartisan senatorial group interested in education. The
day following, Kennedy was invited to Education Secretary Rod Paige’s
swearing-in ceremony. And the day after that, the two budding camera
buddies visited a local inner-city school. And this was just the
On Feb. 1, Kennedy
visited the White House twice: first to discuss the president's agenda
for people with disabilities, and later with members of his family to
eat popcorn and watch Thirteen Days, a film about the roles President
John F. Kennedy and his Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy played in
defusing the 1962 Cuban missile crisis. The two were public friends.
There were other Bush
invitations that Kennedy did not or could not accept, such as the chance
to attend a White House St. Patrick’s Day party and a ride on Air Force
One to attend the Boston funeral of Rep. Joe Moakley, (D-MA).
And on November 20, 2001
Bush renamed Washington, D.C.’s Justice Department Building to the
Robert F. Kennedy Department of Justice Building, honoring the erstwhile
Attorney General (along with the entire Kennedy clan) who served from
1961 to 1964.
Warm-hearted pictures of Kennedy
with Democrats are much easier to find, but it's true --
Kennedy really did do some photo ops with Bush!
Attract Near Cameras
The acme of their public affection towards each other came a year after
Bush took office on Jan. 8, 2002, when Kennedy and the President visited
Boston, the Senator’s turf and a rare venue for the president to visit.
They came to herald the No Child Left Behind Act, legislation they
created together, with each making compromises.
The act promised the most
significant change in the federal government’s role in education since
1965. It called for more school accountability and uniform student
testing, among other efforts. Procedures for closing or revamping
incompetent schools were also established. The President promised
Kennedy, one of the act’s authors whose fingerprints are all over it,
billions more federal dollars for education.
They appeared behind a
simple teacher’s desk in front of more than 400 elected officials,
teachers and students at the historic Boston Latin School, Boston’s best
public school and the nation’s first, founded in 1635. It boasts such
notable alumni as Benjamin Franklin, Samuel Adams, John Hancock, Ralph
Waldo Emerson and Kennedy’s father and grandfather.
The creation of the
education bill, with Kennedy as Bush’s key Democratic ally, became a
symbol of inclusiveness between the two men and also generally between
the Democrats and Republicans in the post-terrorist-attack America; a
zeitgeist when America’s politicians were trying to act and appear
unified. But this same symbol of inclusiveness would soon become a
symbol of divisiveness for the two men and the entire Congress.
At appearances in both Boston and Durham, N.H., Kennedy and Bush
exchanged warm handshakes and slaps on the back. Several times they
whispered jokes that left them convulsing in laughter.
Nigh to the signing of
the bill which passed congress weeks before on Dec. 18, 2001, Bush and
Kennedy spoke of each other in ways that surprised political observers,
fresh native corn for the cynics, with the President even engaging in
On January 5 during a
visit to Parkrose High School in Portland, Ore, Bush said “My friends in
Midland, Texas, will not believe it when they turn on C-Span or one of
those other channels, because I'm going to stand up and say to the
nation: one, this is a good piece of legislation and, two, I want to
thank Sen. Ted Kennedy for working on it with me. He's done a fine job."
(Upon hearing this, one
wonders how many Midlanders quickly swallowed a few doses of horse
tranquilizer.) For years the GOP have used Kennedy as a symbol of bad
government policy and as a tool to raise campaign funds.
Boehner disagrees that NCLB is an
Continuing with what sounded like college kids high on ecstasy, Kennedy
in Boston effusively praised Bush as “personable, intelligent, feisty
and engaged,” with the president then returning the compliments. Kennedy
also told the crowd of "the difference it has made" having Bush in the
Around this time Bush
also hailed Kennedy as a political friend whose backing on the bill was
vital: "I like Ted Kennedy. . . . If you have a legislative battle, you
want him on your side. You don't want him against you."
Along with the Boston
event, the two traveled the country together to other venues on a
victory tour to promote the education legislation. At Hamilton High
School in Hamilton, OH, Bush said “He's (Kennedy) a fabulous United
States senator. When he's against you, it's tough. When he's with you,
it is a great experience."
The president said people
back in Crawford, Texas, near his ranch, "were somewhat shocked when I
told them I actually like the fella." The audience gave Kennedy
Bush also told Kennedy,
"Not only are you a good senator, you're a good man."
The two instead could
easily have been each other’s public nemesis. But Kennedy at one time
acknowledged that the president’s courtesies created “a climate for
wanting to find common ground."
Public Friends—Quick Public Enemies
But the common ground for public consumption between Kennedy and Bush
must have been built on a volcano, for the hot lava of public hatred
slowly started to seep upwards through the crust just a few weeks after
Woodstock Boston -- because it was then Bush submitted his 2003 budget
proposal which Kennedy said he believed was $90 million short of the
President’s commitments for the No Child Left Behind legislation.
The liberal lion asked a
roomful of education reporters, “Will the president fulfill his promise
to the nation to truly leave no child behind?” Future presidential
candidate, Sen. John Kerry (D-MA), joined Kennedy in referring to the
legislation as “unfunded” early in 2002.
It was the beginning of
the end of Bush and Kennedy cooperation.
Rep. George Miller
(D-CA), another author of the legislation, attacked the president’s
budget as the “No Money Left Behind for Education Budget.”
Some Democrats have
complained Bush is only making sure the testing and accountability side
of the bill is fully funded, the part he and the Republicans mostly
supported. The Democrats say they seek more dollars to improve school
quality, not just testing.
The allegation that No
Child Left Behind is an unfunded mandate is total nonsense, reportedly
said Chester Finn of the Thomas B. Fordham Foundation. "Achieving
proficiency might be expensive," Finn concedes, "but the actual
activities mandated in NCLB are fully funded. At this point those
activities are almost entirely testing."
''I would argue that
we've more than met our commitment in funding,'' reportedly said Rep.
John A. Boehner (R-OH), chairman of the House Committee on Education and
And last year Secretary
Paige put his rhetoric in the ring, referring to the teacher’s union,
the National Education Association, as a “terrorist organization” and
one that uses “obstructionist scare tactics.”
Kennedy relies heavily on aides --
but his aides apparently don't always play ball.
No Truth from
Speaking to EVOTE.COM by telephone during the time of the Republican
National Convention, Manley said one of the strangest comments this
reporter has ever personally heard from a political mouthpiece. When
asked a question about the president’s budget for No Child Left Behind,
Manley said that if this reporter was interested in deciphering the
truth, EVOTE.COM would have to talk to other people. That what this
reporter was about to hear from Manley was Kennedy’s “version” of
events, not the whole truth.
When asked why Manley was
not willing to tell me the truth, he let out a loud, probably affected,
laugh. In contrast to this particular conversation, Kennedy’s staff has
long been regarded to be among the most professional on Capitol Hill.
And figuring out the
truth as to whether Bush fully funded the legislation as promised is
like trying to decipher Egypt’s Rosetta Stone. Costs associated with the
legislation are extremely complicated, as is the law itself, and both
sides have spokesmen insisting the other side is misrepresenting funding
for the bipartisan agreement.
One could imagine there
are very few persons who know, or could figure out, the truth if given
the time; and they would have to be accountants, not fire-and-brimstone
politicians determined to set an agenda and influence public opinion by
vomiting lies and propaganda.
But we do know that
during Bush’s presidency federal education funding has significantly
increased, perhaps by $11 billion. We do not know if that is enough to
cover the increased costs of the legislation. How often do school
superintendents actually say they have enough money?
After seven weeks of
continual requests for comment, Bush’s spokespersons refused to answer
any EVOTE.COM questions. And his web site does little to help those
seeking detailed education funding answers. But Bush has said his budget
provides enough education funding, especially for testing, whatever that
And we do not even know
definitely the exact amount of money for the legislation the principle
players agreed to be budgeted, or when. The published dollar amounts
announced when the bill was signed, $26.5 billion for example, does
little to explain the legislation’s costs for implementation or when the
funding was supposed to be dispatched, or when certain programs were
supposed to begin and therefore its required funding.
Like grade school
children, Democrats and Republicans call each other liars. They have
this huge pot of candy, yet are unable to publicly agree on who gets
what and when, nor agree on how many candy bars each was supposed to get
before the candy man came. If the matter was not serious, you would have
to laugh out loud.
Without guarantees on funding,
Wellstone wouldn't go for NCLB.
And How Much Will
Republican leaders contend that Democrats well understood that while the
law authorized as much as $80 billion in additional spending on Title I
high-poverty schools alone by 2007, that did not mean the full amount
would be appropriated.
''I can assure you, cross
my heart, that we had many discussions about funding, but there was
never a discussion, not one, about funding No Child Left Behind at
authorization levels,'' reportedly said Boehner. ''It never happened.''
One of the Senate's
shrewdest operators, Kennedy appears to feel personally swindled.
Comparing the legislation
to the enactment of Social Security or the 1960’s race to the moon,
Kennedy has said, ''I believe the exact same type of commitment was made
to children.” Bush ''misstated, misspoke, misrepresented his position''
on financing No Child Left Behind.
Others scoff at the
notion of a consummate politician like Kennedy being hoodwinked.
''Not a credible
historical analysis,'' Sandy Kress has said, the lawyer who represented
the White House in Congressional negotiations over No Child Left Behind.
''Nobody snookers Ted Kennedy.''
Manley insists that Bush
under funded No Child Left Behind by $28 billion less than previously
agreed upon authorization levels, which were discussed at length. Yet
Manley expressed confusion about what years he was referring to with
regard to the $28 billion, nor would he say how much money with nicety
was authorized by the principle players. He did not have the figure
readily available, he said.
for Legislation Used as Tool to Persuade the Public. So What’s New?
It was probably a good idea for the late Sen. Paul Wellstone (D-MN) to
dismiss the No Child Left Behind Law in the absence of guarantees on
future spending. But perhaps it was the intention of other Democrats not
to seek overt guarantees. In that way they could take advantage and
negatively criticize the Republicans for the gap between authorization
levels and actual federal spending as a kind of unfulfilled promise,
even if the GOP provided plenty of money to pay for the law, or the agreed
amount made privately. It could be a political weapon without merit, but
only the inside players know the truth.
So what do the authorized
levels really mean? Within the Bush administration and Congressional
Republicans, the authorization levels are generally described as nothing
more than caps on spending.
Sen. Joe Lieberman (D-CT)
has said the authorization levels on education spending were ”not a cap.
It’s a statement of intent, of desire. It's a goal you'd like to
So why then did the
negotiations over the authorization numbers last months and were so
fierce? Possibly because the Republicans knew authorization levels could
turn into Democratic propaganda tools.
So how much money is
needed to pay for No Child Left Behind? Even individuals who conduct
studies publish cost estimates that vary widely. William J. Mathis, a
school superintendent and education finance professor in Vermont,
reviewed cost estimates drawn up by 18 states and reported in the Phi
Delta Kappan that public spending needs to increase between 20 percent
and 35 percent to meet the goals of No Child Left Behind, an extra $85
billion to $150 billion a year.
With wild estimates like
this, a discrepancy of $65 billion, how can anyone agree on how much No
Child Left Behind costs and therefore funded? It seems like an intense
political game where the only goal is to make the other side look bad
with an important issue to win elections, with reporters and therefore
the public left in total confusion.
Good luck to those who
want to figure it out themselves, amongst all the lies, propaganda and
stonewalling by the morons of every ideological persuasion who hold
elected office and are manipulating the perception of this education
bill and its funding for selfish political gain. Like the recently
enacted Medicare law, the taxpayers are blind to how much money is
needed to pay for this education initiative. It is all too typical
Become Public Enemies
With Kennedy avoiding a Rose Garden ceremony honoring the one-year
anniversary of the signing of No Child Left Behind (where Republicans
were most dominant), while complaining of Bush’s refusal to fund it
adequately, the public perception of friendship between the two giants
was officially six feet under.
The connection had
crashed. The two decoupled.
But this was not in any
way the end of their deteriorating public relationship. Indeed, the
perception of blatant hostility was on the cusp, far beyond the typical
boundaries of Washington politics. It took the Iraq war, an intense
issue for all Americans on all sides of the issue, to push Kennedy into
flat-out public hatred for the Commander In Chief. It is ideology versus
ideology, mirroring some of the differences between Massachusetts and
Texas, or western cowboy and eastern dove. And on April 5, 2004, at
Washington D.C.’s Brookings Institution, the hot lava of hatred, at
least that designed for public consumption, built up and finally blew
out of Kennedy’s red-hot head.
One may not agree with
Kennedy, but it probably was one hell of a show, for the intensity of
the rhetoric reminds one of the heated slavery debates of antebellum
Since their 'friendship' broke
down, Kennedy has been on Bush attack mode.
Molten Rock of
Just listen to the sizzle of Kennedy’s address before the group. Read
hard enough and you can almost see the molten rock ooze out of his head:
After speaking of the importance of Americans to trust their government,
Kennedy said “on issue after issue, they (the Bush administration) tell
the American people one thing and do another. They repeatedly invent
“facts” to support their preconceived agenda—facts which administration
officials knew or should have known were not true… This president has
now created the largest credibility gap since Richard Nixon. He has
broken the bond of trust with the American people.”
“The Bush administration
misled the American people about the threat to the nation posed by the
Iraqi regime,” said Kennedy. “It was not an imminent threat. Iraq had no
nuclear weapons, no persuasive links to Al Qaeda, no connection to the
terrorist attacks of September 11th, and no stockpiles of chemical or
biological weapons…They misled Congress and the American people because
the administration knew that it could not obtain the consent of Congress
for the war if all the facts were known.”
“Iraq is George Bush’s
Vietnam,” said Kennedy, which was among his most explosive words of the
speech… As we now know, all the reassuring language of the 2000 election
campaign was a Trojan horse cynically constructed to smuggle the extreme
right wing in the White House… Iraq has also diverted attention from the
administration’s deceptions here at home — especially on the economy,
health care and education.“
In the fall of 2003, Kennedy also said, “the administration had failed
to account for nearly half of the $4 billion the war was costing
monthly. He said he believed that much of the unaccounted money was used
to bribe foreign leaders to send in troops.
He also expressed doubts
about how serious a threat Saddam Hussein posed to the United States in
its battle against terrorism.
”This (plan) was made up
in Texas and announced in January to the Republican leadership. That war
was going to take place and it was going to be good politically. This
whole thing was a fraud," said Kennedy, who voted against authorizing
the war.” The fight on “terror has been put on the sidelines.”
Kennedy has also accused
the administration of telling “lie after lie after lie.” about Iraq. He
also called Iraq "one of the worst blunders in the history of U.S.
In September 2003 Bush
described some of Kennedy’s Iraqi comments as “uncivil.” Bush has
negatively criticized Kennedy to only a limited extent, but other GOP
officials have been harsher.
Some say Kennedy spewed
the harsh anti-Iraqi war rhetoric mostly to be a hatchet man to help his
fellow Massachusetts senator win election. That could be true and
without the benefit of a worm hole, we will never know for sure. But
Kennedy and Kerry have never been as socially close as some national
political observers assume. And the same logic applies to every Democrat
running for the highest office too.
To this longtime Kennedy
observer, the Senator truly believes what he said about war and he
needed for the public to know it. He probably believes Bush betrayed him
on education and Medicare, stirring true visceral hatred towards the GOP
Words to haunt from Judd Gregg.
Drug Use and the
And then came along a very important issue pertaining to the elderly,
the very folks Kennedy is sworn to serve and protect; the gray-haired,
high-voting constituents who regularly attach themselves to his
candidacy like they do to their Social Security checks and help him
obtain a plurality in every election.
These are the people who
see Kennedy as their favorite politician, their anchor of goodness,
dependability and trustworthiness, like George Bailey in the movie “It’s
a Wonderful Life.” And on this issue, assisting the elderly to purchase
prescription drugs, both sides of the isle were cooperating, like they
originally had on education.
But once again, according
to Kennedy, the GOP and Bush changed channels, forcing him to fail to
deliver one of his most dearly-held issues to his favorite folks; that
of helping them pay for life-saving drugs with the Medicare bill.
Initially supporting it, Kennedy ultimately voted against it because, he
said, the GOP destroyed the bill by morphing into a terrible deal for
"You have to wonder if
Senator Kennedy had not gotten out ahead up front on Medicare and
prescription drugs, whether the momentum . . . would have ever gotten as
strong as it got to be," reportedly said Stuart Rothenberg, an
independent political analyst. "He basically credentialed the Republican
effort. By the time he jumped off the train, it had already built up
It was the second time
Kennedy had seen legacy-building legislation he had crafted become a
source of disappointment and division within his own party, along with
the No Child Left Behind Act. The Medicare bill probably enhanced
Kennedy’s displayed animosity towards the rhetorically-soft Texan.
"I can understand why
Senator Kennedy is upset," said Tom Harkin (D-IA).
In the summer of 2003
Kennedy hailed the Medicare bill as the “the greatest action in a
generation to mend the broken promise of Medicare." And by the fall, it
was Kennedy who complained about broken promises.
Trojan Horse Rides Again
Kennedy said the bill “is a raw deal for senior citizens and a
sweetheart deal for the insurance industry and the pharmaceutical
On November 18 on the
floor of the Senate, Kennedy said the bill “represents a radical right
wing agenda to privatize Medicare and to force senior citizens into HMOs
and private insurance plans…It will make millions of seniors worse off
than they are today. It is a cynical attempt to use the elderly and
disabled’s need for affordable prescription drugs as a Trojan horse to
destroy the program.”
But it was too late for
Kennedy, who mounted a lonely and passionate campaign to kill the bill
he helped begin. One explanation for Kennedy’s recent significant
legislative losses could be what was reportedly said by Thomas Mann, a
congressional scholar with the Brookings Institution.
There is a "much sharper
ideological polarization now than when Kennedy did much of his signature
legislating," said Mann, "And the Republicans in the White House and in
the majority in Congress are more focused, unified, and tough in
pursuing their policy and political objectives than Democrats ever were
in a comparable position." And this could be fuel for Kennedy’s public
animosity towards the president. It spurs the defeat of his prized
legislation, to leave the Senate as a winner, at the top of his game.
And like the
cost-conscious Republicans of a few years ago, the fiscally-liberal
Kennedy now complains that the cost of the Medicare bill is $134 billion
higher for the next ten years than what was projected when it was voted
on, which administration officials knew and hid from Congress. My how
themes among the parties have flip-flopped in recent years.
Father—Not Like Son
Retrospectively looking at the Kennedy and Bush relationship, the
Senator’s friend, Sen. Christopher Dodd (D-CT), reportedly said, "I
think Ted made some assumptions that he was comfortable with the Bush
family.” That affinity dates to the first Bush administration. "There
was a lot of disagreement on issues but a basic stylistic
compatibility,” said Dodd of Kennedy and George H.W. Bush.
The first President Bush
presented the Senator with the third annual George Bush Award for
Excellence in Public Service at a ceremony in College Station, Texas in
"So I think Ted went into
this administration with the assumption that he could work with this
guy," Dodd continued. "And my sense is he's been personally burned and
injured by failure of No Child Left Behind, and especially Medicare."
Former Wyoming Republican Senator Alan Simpson and a friend of Kennedy,
reportedly said the Senator has “been saying some vicious and nasty
stuff. I’m appalled. These quotes are just plain nasty and, frankly, out
of character for Ted.”
When told of this,
Kennedy reportedly shook is head and laughed. “These issues make a great
deal of difference to me," he said. "I think they're defining issues.
War and peace, education, children, these are things I've worked on over
a long time."
Kennedy has said he has
nothing against the president personally. There has not been contact
with Bush since the Medicare bill passed in 2003, except briefly at a
St. Patrick’s Day reception. The president reportedly asked Kennedy if
he'd lost weight. "Yeah, I've been out campaigning," Kennedy said. Bush
told him not to lose any more weight.
Curse of Political Unity
Speaking at the University of New Hampshire in Durham during the now
long forgotten bipartisan No Child Left Behind “victory” tour, Sen. Judd
Gregg (R-NH) said, "The way I see it is if Ted Kennedy can come to New
Hampshire to be on this stage with President Bush and myself, then this
must be the year the Red Sox win the World Series."
Said Kennedy of Bush back
when the two were trying to appear as friends in public, “We could have
gotten into a situation where we would have been involved in partisan
squabbles . . . through the elections of 2002 and 2004. It would have
been a missed opportunity. I think President Bush understood that. I
Well, it is a good thing
Kennedy and Bush are no longer involved in partisan squabbles.
And the unchanging
American saga continues…
[John Pike is a
veteran journalist based in Boston. He has been a guest commentator on
many radio stations and his articles have appeared in numerous
magazines, newspapers and web sites, including the Boston Globe, Reason
Magazine, Insight Magazine, Access Magazine and the Associated Press. He
believes that a Greek god has it in for American political unity and the
University of Massachusetts at Lowell River Hawks hockey team. He can be
reached at pike@EVOTE.COM.]